Editorial

The call for Vidarbha statehood has resurfaced with unusual intensity, as political and civil society groups from the region prepare for large-scale protests in Delhi later this month. While the agitation is not new, its timing, tone, and public support reflect a deeper crisis of regional imbalance and governance in India. The fact that a decades-old demand continues to find resonance signals that the underlying issues have remained unresolved, despite repeated promises from successive governments.

Vidarbha’s grievances stem from a combination of economic neglect, administrative marginalisation, and a widening development gap with western Maharashtra. The region, rich in minerals, forests, and agricultural potential, has repeatedly complained of inadequate investment, poor infrastructure, and a lack of political voice. Farmer distress in districts like Yavatmal and Amravati, coupled with insufficient irrigation coverage, has fuelled a sense of injustice. The perception that Vidarbha’s resources are extracted for the benefit of other regions only deepens this discontent.

The current mobilisations show that the youth are increasingly disillusioned with waiting for incremental reforms. They view statehood as a structural solution that could grant Vidarbha administrative autonomy and faster decision-making. Their “Chalo Delhi” call highlights a desire to confront national leadership directly, bypassing local political complexities. It is also a reminder that regional aspirations in India, when ignored, tend to culminate in movements that attract national attention — as seen in the formation of states like Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and Telangana.

However, the demand for statehood cannot be examined in isolation. It reflects a broader national challenge: India’s uneven development trajectory. Many regions — from Bundelkhand to Purvanchal to Gorkhaland — share similar frustrations. As the economy expands, disparities between regions are becoming more visible, and citizens are demanding equitable growth rather than mere election rhetoric. Vidarbha’s agitation is, therefore, a microcosm of a larger debate about federalism, decentralisation, and participatory development.

At the same time, policymakers must approach the issue with maturity. Statehood, while potentially beneficial, is not a panacea. New states require administrative capacity, financial stability, and long-term planning. The concerns of the parent state must also be taken into account to avoid political rupture. A constructive dialogue — not reactive policing — is the need of the hour.

Ultimately, the Vidarbha agitation should serve as a wake-up call for both state and central governments. Regional aspirations cannot be postponed indefinitely. Balanced development, genuine political inclusion, and responsive governance are the only true answers. Protests may bring visibility, but only a sincere commitment to equitable growth will bring lasting peace and progress.

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s arrival in India today for a two-day summit with Prime Minister Narendra Modi marks one of the most consequential diplomatic engagements of the year. At a time when global geopolitics is undergoing rapid realignment, the India–Russia partnership is preparing to enter a new and strategically important phase. The expected agreements — particularly in civilian nuclear energy, small modular reactors (SMRs), defence cooperation, and trade expansion — reveal both countries’ determination to keep their historic partnership relevant in a shifting world order.

The highlight of the visit is undoubtedly the anticipated agreement on expanding civil nuclear cooperation. Russia has long been India’s most reliable nuclear-energy partner, epitomised by the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant. The move toward collaboration on next-generation technologies, such as small modular reactors, signals a forward-looking and pragmatic approach to meeting India’s clean-energy targets. SMRs can revolutionise India’s energy landscape: they are safer, cheaper, faster to build, and ideal for regions with weaker grid infrastructure. As India aims to drastically expand its non-fossil fuel capacity by 2030, partnering with Russia — a global leader in nuclear technology — strengthens both energy security and climate commitments.

On the defence front, the visit comes at a delicate moment. India continues to diversify its military procurement, but Russia remains a major supplier of critical platforms, spare parts, and joint-production systems. The future of projects like the Su-57, maritime cooperation, and defence manufacturing under Make in India will likely feature in the discussions. While geopolitical equations have changed due to Western sanctions on Russia and India’s growing ties with the U.S., New Delhi has consistently asserted its strategic autonomy. Putin’s visit reinforces that India will maintain a balanced foreign policy driven by national interest, not external pressures.

Trade is another major pillar set for expansion. Despite geopolitical turbulence, bilateral trade crossed historic highs, driven largely by energy flows. The next step must focus on correcting imbalances, improving logistics, and pushing non-energy sectors such as pharmaceuticals, machinery, and agriculture. The proposed use of national currencies in trade settlements could reduce transaction risks and stabilise bilateral commerce.

At a time when global blocs are hardening and multipolarity is taking shape, the India–Russia relationship stands at a critical crossroads. It is neither transactional nor obsolete — it is strategic, evolving, and grounded in mutual benefit. Putin’s visit is a reminder that old partnerships, when adapted to new realities, can continue to deliver powerful outcomes. For India, it is an opportunity to harness technology, strengthen defence preparedness, and reaffirm its role as an independent, balancing force in global affairs.

• SAS Kirmani